This project will analyze what AI capabilities major powers, particularly the US and China, themselves fear or consider destabilizing, identifying potential common ground for international AI red lines that could survive geopolitical competition.
About the project
Background
International AI agreements face a fundamental challenge: why would geopolitical rivals constrain capabilities that might give them an advantage? The standard answer—mutual fear of catastrophic outcomes—only works if rivals actually share concerns about the same capabilities.
This project inverts the usual framing. Instead of asking "what red lines should exist?" we ask "what capabilities do adversary states themselves fear?" If both the US and China consider certain AI capabilities destabilizing, these become natural candidates for international agreement.
There is precedent for this approach. The US and China agreed in November 2024 that humans, not AI, should control nuclear weapons decisions. Both signed the Bletchley Declaration acknowledging potential for serious harm. The IDAIS dialogues have produced joint statements from US and Chinese AI scientists. But systematic analysis of where fears converge and diverge is lacking.
Research Questions
- What AI capabilities do US and Chinese officials and military doctrine identify as threatening or destabilizing?
- Where do these concerns overlap? Where do they fundamentally diverge?
- Which shared concerns are most amenable to international agreement, given technical and political constraints?
Deliverables
A research paper (6,000-10,000 words) that:
- Catalogs US and Chinese concerns about destabilizing AI capabilities (from official statements, doctrine, think tank and academic analysis, PLA writings or state media/Congressional testimony)
- Maps areas of convergence and divergence
- Analyzes which shared concerns could form the basis for international red lines
- Proposes 2-3 specific red line formulations that might achieve bilateral or multilateral support
Scope
Primary focus on US and China as the key axis of AI competition. Secondary consideration of EU, UK, and Russia where relevant. Focus on capabilities both sides might fear regardless of who develops them: autonomous weapons, AI-enabled bioweapons, attacks on critical infrastructure, loss of human control, recursive self-improvement.
Methodology
- Weeks 1-6: Collect and analyze US and Chinese sources
- Weeks 6-9: Comparative analysis identifying convergences and divergences; consult with specialists to validate interpretations
- Weeks 9-11: Develop red line proposals based on shared concerns; assess feasibility given verification and dual-use constraints
- Weeks 11-12: Draft paper and solicit expert feedback
Theory of change
International red lines are only achievable if major powers see them as serving their interests. This project identifies the subset of potential red lines where self-interest aligns across geopolitical rivals.
This advances AI safety by: (1) focusing diplomatic efforts on achievable agreements rather than aspirational ones, (2) providing US policymakers with evidence that red lines serve American interests (countering "but China won't agree" objections), (3) informing Chinese engagement by understanding their genuine concerns rather than projecting Western assumptions, and (4) identifying specific red line formulations with realistic paths to agreement.
Even if comprehensive international agreement proves impossible, understanding shared fears enables confidence-building measures, crisis communication protocols, and narrow agreements on specific capabilities—all of which reduce catastrophic risk.
Your role
Mentees are active researchers who will co-author the research paper.
Mentee 1 and 2 (US Analysis): Primary responsibility for collecting and analyzing US sources. Drafts US concerns sections and contributes to comparative analysis.
Mentee 3 and 4 (China Analysis): Primary responsibility for collecting and analyzing Chinese sources. Ideally has Mandarin reading ability or experience with Chinese foreign policy. Drafts China concerns sections and contributes to comparative analysis.
Mentees collaborate on the comparative analysis and red line proposals.
Prerequisites
Research skills and ability to analyze primary sources (government documents, policy statements) Familiarity with international relations or security studies concepts Analytical writing ability (2,000+ word sample) For China-focused mentee: Mandarin reading ability strongly preferred, or substantial coursework/experience in Chinese politics and foreign policy
Location preference
Preference for European business hours availability.
Application question(s)
Question 1 (Required, 300 words max): This project proposes analyzing "PLA writings" and "state media" alongside official government statements. What specific methodological problems arise from treating these source types as equivalent evidence of "what China fears"? Describe how you would weight or contextualize different source types in your analysis, using a concrete example of how the same AI capability might be discussed differently across source types.
Question 2 (Required, 250 words max): The project proposal cites Bucknall et al.'s paper on geopolitical cooperation in technical AI safety. Identify one specific limitation or gap in that paper's analysis that this project would need to address—not a general observation, but something you noticed from reading the actual paper that affects how we should design this research. Explain how you'd address it.
About the mentor

Charles Martinet
CeSIA - Centre pour la Sécurité de l'IA (French Center for AI Safety)
Charles is Head of Policy at CeSIA, the French Center for AI Safety. One of CeSIA's top priorities is influencing French, European, and international policy to reduce catastrophic risks from AI.
He is also a Research Affiliate at the University of Oxford's AI Governance Initiative, working on international governance arrangements for advanced AI.
Previously, he was a Summer Fellow at the Centre for the Governance of AI, worked at the Secretariat of the European Parliament’s directorate-general for external policies, at the international digital policy unit of the French Ministry of Economics, and in various think-tanks. He was a Talos Fellow in AI Governance and a Youth Fellow at the European Dialogue on Internet Governance.